The political atmosphere in Imo State has arguably never been this electrified. The most common discussion among groups in the state today revolves around whether to organize and manage the political and cultural diversity in Imo, similar to other states, or continue as a chaotic “banana state,” the worst so far in Southeast history.

Hope Uzodinma, the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), vowed during his reelection campaigns to address the marginalization of the Owerri zone, which has not had an opportunity to fully contribute to governance. However, as we speak, aspersions are being cast due to his reappointment of individuals who challenged his position and insist on maintaining the status quo. This raises the question: who is truly in control, the appointees or the governor? Could the governor be involved in a plot to derail progress now that he has secured reelection despite long-term cries of marginalization?

The crisis within the zones of the state, fueled by intentional ignorance of the Owerri zone’s plight, threatens to tear Imo apart. The root cause dates back to 2007 when the governorship election, in which Chief Martin Agbaso from the Owerri zone was leading, was canceled by the then-chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Maurice Iwu, from Okigwe zone. A rescheduled election saw another Okigwe native, Ikedi Ohakim, installed as governor. This controversial 2007 election revealed the possibility of using INEC to manipulate outcomes, a precedent that has haunted Imo’s political landscape since.

The 2007 election debacle raises questions about how the governorship and house of assembly elections, held on the same day and at the same polling booths, could result in one being canceled for alleged violence and malpractice while the other was upheld. Additionally, if Ochudo Martin Agbaso was deemed unqualified to run, why was he and his party allowed to contest the follow-up election? These unresolved issues have perpetuated instability in Imo, with various characters exploiting the loopholes introduced in 2007.

This was the second time in the current Fourth Republic that an Owerri zone candidate was denied a mandate freely given by the people. In 1998, the late Humphrey Anumudu, another Owerri zone candidate, was pressured into surrendering the PDP governorship ticket he won in favor of Achike Udenwa from the Orlu zone. Adding the 2020 incident with Emeka Ihedioha, it becomes clear that the Owerri zone has long been marginalized.

Imo’s political scene has seen numerous breakaways and realignments, with the fallout from the 2007 election still casting a long shadow. The Imo House has become a battleground of egos and power plays, further complicated by allegations and legal battles.

It is fallacious to claim that Ohakim was ousted by Owerri zone machinations. While some elements might have exploited the situation, his ouster was orchestrated by powerful forces in Abuja, including his own brothers from Okigwe zone. Even Maurice Iwu, who installed him, was behind the declaration of the 2011 governorship election as “inconclusive,” leading to Ohakim’s exit.

Sponsored political actors are again working to derail equity and fairness, attempting to discredit the argument that Owerri zone deserves the governorship in 2027, 20 years after being marginalized. These mercenaries aim to destroy the political house built by all.

Observers were not surprised when Okigwe and Orlu zone actors began challenging the so-called charter of equity, which was designed to ensure smooth passage for Governor Uzodinma with a promise to support Owerri zone in 2027. Rather than endorsing the governor’s position, his appointees are questioning his commitment, claiming that ongoing court cases over alleged electoral fraud mean the zones are not complying with the charter, necessitating all-out participation in 2027.

The charter of equity, an APC agreement, was meant to pacify Owerri zone members. However, for peace, equity, justice, and fairness to take root in Imo, the political and apolitical elite must support Owerri zone in clinching the governorship in 2027, a moral solution to a political problem born of abuse of power in 2007.

Imo elders with integrity, including the advisory council of elders and retired military officers, must lend their voices to this effort to save Imo from political disintegration. Orlu zone has had its share of power since 1999, with Achike Udenwa, Rochas Okorocha, and now Hope Uzodinma. With Uzodinma’s second term, Orlu’s dominance will reach 24 years.

Most political forces, including Orlu elders and former Governor Udenwa, support zoning the governorship to Owerri zone, maintaining power rotation. The disunity among Owerri zone politicians remains a significant challenge.

The power of incumbency and control of state machinery has always played a decisive role in Imo elections. The governor’s silence on his cabinet’s anti-Owerri zone comments fuels tension and confusion. The last election was marred by irregularities, including ballot snatching and voter harassment, reportedly in the presence of police officers.

In Imo, aligning with the powers that be often ensures electoral success. This needs to change by 2027. Owerri zone’s legitimate pursuit of the governorship should be a collective effort, untainted by personal convictions or external influences. The moral courage of Owerri zone politicians will be crucial in achieving this noble objective.

Chima Nnadi-Oforgu

Duruebube Uzii na Abosi

http://www.oblongmedia.net

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