Why This article Matters, And Why Now.
This article is not merely a narrative of political activism; I have tried my best to break it down as much as I can to aid readability and understanding. it is a chronicle of a people’s trauma, resistance, and survival in a country that has treated them with deep suspicion since 1966. The modern Nigerian state has never fully understood the Igbo quest for dignity. It has instead oscillated between denial, brutality, and propaganda, refusing to acknowledge the legitimate grievances that birthed IPOB and inflamed the Southeast.
This work documents, with clarity and honesty, how peaceful activism became militarised, how a government’s fear became its undoing, and how the Igbo nation spiraled into insecurity, fragmentation, and fear. It also exposes the role of the Nigerian state, Southeast governors, security agencies, diaspora factions, criminals, political warlords, and opportunists who hijacked a legitimate struggle.
Above all, this article is a record for posterity, a precise, factual, chronological account of an era deliberately distorted by media narratives, federal propaganda, and political interests.
It is an article for scholars, for policymakers, for the Igbo nation, for Nigerians who want truth, and for an international audience seeking understanding of one of Africa’s most misunderstood movements.
History must be written.
If not by the victors, then by the victims.
This is that history.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To the countless unnamed Igbo civilians whose lives were lost in protests, raids, disappearances, “Python Dance” operations, false-flag killings, political assassinations, and unlawful detentions, this article honours your memory.
To researchers, journalists, Amnesty International investigators, SBM Intelligence analysts, diaspora observers, eyewitnesses, and victims who shared testimonies, your courage preserves truth.
To all Igbo elders, activists, intellectuals, youth leaders, and ordinary citizens who continue to insist that justice and dignity are non-negotiable, this article was written because of you.
And to future generations of the Igbo nation, may you inherit peace instead of trauma.
THE BIRTH OF IPOB, A PEACEFUL MOVEMENT ROOTED IN HISTORICAL GRIEVANCE
IPOB did not begin as a militant enterprise.
It did not start as a radical movement.
It was not conceived as an armed rebellion.
It began as a peaceful civil rights movement built around:
mourning Igbo victims of the 1966 pogroms
remembering the 3 million lost in the Biafra genocide
demanding justice, equality, and fair treatment
insisting on the right to self-determination
seeking protection from persecution
educating new generations about forgotten history
Formed officially in 2012–2013 under Nnamdi Kanu’s leadership, IPOB grew through:
Radio Biafra broadcasts
peaceful marches
rallies in major Igbo cities
diaspora activism
symbolic demonstrations
online mobilization
Between 2013 and 2015, IPOB was arguably the most peaceful mass movement in Nigeria, never armed, never violent, never destructive.
Nnamdi Kanu framed IPOB not as a secessionist militia, but as:
> “A peaceful people asking for a referendum — nothing more.”
Yet every peaceful march was met with disproportionate force from the state.
By 2015, the Nigerian government, led by Muhammadu Buhari, shifted from viewing IPOB as activists to viewing them as a political threat.
The stage was set for confrontation.
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONDS — PROTESTS MET WITH BULLETS
Between 2015 and 2016, peaceful IPOB protesters flooded streets across the Southeast:
Aba
Onitsha
Enugu
Nnewi
Owerri
Port Harcourt
Asaba
These were:
unarmed demonstrations
crowds waving Biafra flags
young people draped in symbolic colours
women singing freedom songs
elderly men recalling the war years
families rallying for self-determination
Nigeria responded with live ammunition.
Amnesty International documented:
protester massacres in Onitsha (2015, 2016)
mass arrests in Aba
disappearances in Enugu
targeted shootings in Port Harcourt
torture and extrajudicial executions
public dumping of corpses in borrow pits
By mid-2016:
IPOB had suffered over 170 deaths, before ever lifting a stone.
Instead of defusing tension, the federal government escalated force.
The psychology of the Igbo youth changed forever.
A peaceful movement felt cornered.
A historical trauma reawakened.
FROM HOPE TO HOSTILITY — THE ESCALATION OF TENSIONS
As IPOB’s popularity increased, so did the paranoia within Nigeria’s political establishment.
Southeast governors feared losing influence.
Federal security agencies feared a repeat of Boko Haram intelligence failures.
Northern political elites feared Igbo political awakening.
Western media feared a new secession crisis.
The state began framing IPOB as:
“violent”
“dangerous”
“extremist”
“a terrorist waiting to explode”
Yet IPOB had no record of:
attacks,
killings,
bombings,
armed conflict.
The fear was political — not factual.
By 2016, a dangerous alliance formed:
Southeast governors + Buhari’s government + military elites
Their shared objective:
> Stop IPOB before it grows beyond control.
This fear would soon lead to the most brutal military operation in the region since the civil war.
THE PYTHON DANCES — MILITARISING THE SOUTH-EAST
Between 2016 and 2018, Nigeria launched three consecutive military operations in the Southeast:
Operation Python Dance I (2016)
Introduced checkpoints, patrols, intimidation, and the beginning of militarisation.
Operation Python Dance II (2017)
More aggressive.
Featured:
raids
house-to-house searches
deadly shootings
occupation of cities
psychological warfare
mass arrests
Operation Python Dance III (2018)
The most intense.
Extended into rural areas, targeting IPOB strongholds.
Amnesty International reported:
secret detentions
torture
killings
unmarked graves
the execution of activists without trial
Python Dance was not a security operation.
It was a message.
A warning.
A punishment.
A declaration that dissent in Igboland would be met with overwhelming force.
It marked the moment Nigeria chose war logic over political logic.
And it pushed IPOB into a corner from which it would never fully emerge peacefully.
THE AFARA-UKWU INVASION, THE NIGHT EVERYTHING CHANGED
Nothing radicalised the Southeast as deeply, as painfully, and as irreversibly as the invasion of Nnamdi Kanu’s home in Afara-Ukwu, Umuahia, on September 14, 2017.
It was not just a raid.
It was a military siege.
Witness accounts describe:
Armoured tanks rolling into a residential neighbourhood.
Helicopters hovering above the palace.
Hundreds of soldiers surrounding every exit route.
Gunshots lasting hours.
Youth protesters mowed down.
Unarmed boys shot while chanting.
Bodies piled into military trucks.
Fresh graves dug in surrounding bushes.
Kanu’s dog Caesar — shot dead.
Kanu’s parents traumatised — both later died from shock.
Nigeria claimed it was a “routine operation.”
The world saw a political assassination attempt.
IPOB remained unarmed.
IPOB resisted only with their voices.
Yet the Nigerian Army deployed an offensive force large enough for a foreign invasion.
Kanu narrowly escaped death, an escape that would shape the next seven years of conflict.
The invasion was the point of no return.
It birthed:
bitterness,
rage,
the erosion of faith in Nigerian unity,
the acceleration of IPOB radicalisation,
the transformation of Kanu into a martyr-like figure.
The Afara-Ukwu attack became the Igbo 9/11 — an event whose emotional aftershocks still reverberate today.
THE PROSCRIPTION — WHEN DEMOCRACY BECAME DICTATORSHIP
Immediately after the Afara-Ukwu invasion, Southeast governors, under pressure and intimidation, convened an emergency meeting.
In an act that history will judge harshly,
they declared IPOB:
> “A terrorist organisation.”
No investigation.
No evidence.
No court order.
No due process.
On the same day:
Fulani militias were killing villagers in Plateau.
Boko Haram was bombing mosques in Borno.
Bandits were taking over Zamfara.
Kidnapping syndicates were thriving in Kaduna.
None of these were proscribed.
Only IPOB, a non-violent movement, was singled out.
The Nigerian Army then released a shameful list of “evidence”:
“They blocked roads”
“They use sticks and stones”
“They shout slogans”
“They criticize the government”
“They have a radio station”
Not one bomb.
Not one gun.
Not one attack.
Not one violent act.
Yet IPOB was labeled a terrorist group.
The consequences were severe:
Young boys were arrested on sight.
Anyone with a Biafra wristband was detained.
Fathers disappeared.
Mothers wept at police stations.
Bodies appeared in shallow graves.
Fear became a permanent guest in Igbo homes.
The proscription outlawed peaceful agitation.
And when you block peaceful resistance,
you open the door to desperate resistance.
THE RADICALISATION, A MOVEMENT PUSHED UNDERGROUND
With IPOB banned and hunted,
a predictable psychological shift occurred.
When peaceful options close, underground options open.
Thousands of youths who once marched openly now:
operated secretly,
avoided checkpoints,
used aliases,
communicated via encrypted channels,
attended night meetings,
distrusted politicians and police.
Communities began hiding activists.
Villagers formed secret protective circles.
Mothers smuggled food to fleeing boys.
Fathers taught their sons how to avoid raids.
The Southeast gradually transformed into a region under occupation.
The radicalisation was not ideological,
it was reactive.
The state had forced the movement from the streets into the shadows.
The seeds of future armed resistance were planted during this period.
THE RISE OF ESN, COMMUNITY DEFENSE OR FEDERAL NIGHTMARE?
By late 2020, herdsmen attacks were escalating across Igboland.
Communities in:
Ebonyi,
Enugu,
Anambra,
Abia,
Imo,
began experiencing:
kidnappings,
farmland destruction,
rape,
killings,
cattle-driven intimidation.
Southeast governors did nothing.
Appeals fell on deaf ears.
Police ignored reports.
Villagers felt abandoned.
Into this vacuum stepped IPOB.
In December 2020, Nnamdi Kanu announced the creation of the:
> Eastern Security Network (ESN)
A regional, forest-based volunteer force.
Roles:
protect farmlands,
repel invaders,
secure rural communities,
defend vulnerable villages.
Initially, ESN enjoyed massive public support.
It was the first time in decades that Igbo people felt defended.
But to the Nigerian state,
ESN was interpreted as a militia threat.
The federal government made a grave mistake:
Instead of engaging ESN diplomatically,
it declared war on them.
This was the beginning of full-blown confrontation.
THE ORLU BOMBARDMENT, A REGION UNDER SIEGE
In January 2021, federal forces deployed:
fighter helicopters,
armoured tanks,
artillery vehicles,
special forces,
surveillance drones
into Orlu, Imo State.
Why?
Because ESN operatives were reportedly present in the surrounding forests.
The Nigerian government launched a military operation inside a civilian town, effectively treating Orlu like Sambisa Forest.
Eyewitness testimonies and media reports confirm:
villages were shelled,
houses burned,
civilians killed,
young men disappeared,
residents fled into the bush,
corpses lay on street corners,
humanitarian access was blocked.
The military siege lasted days.
Imo State government denied everything,
but videos and satellite images exposed the truth.
The Orlu bombardment became:
the final straw for many youths
the proof that the Nigerian state saw the Igbo as enemies
the moment ESN gained mythic status
the spark that triggered widespread fear
the birth of unknown gunmen narratives
The war had effectively begun.
Not because IPOB sought it,
but because Nigeria ignited it.
THE COLLAPSE OF ORDER, THE RISE OF UNKNOWN GUNMEN (2021–2023)
How chaos replaced activism, and how lawlessness replaced organisation
The rise of “Unknown Gunmen” (UGM) in the Southeast was not spontaneous.
It was engineered by a perfect storm of five converging forces:
1. Criminal syndicates exploiting the chaos
2. State-sponsored false-flag operations
3. Political hit squads hiding under IPOB’s name
4. Radicalised ESN splinter cells
5. Followers of Simon Ekpa enforcing sit-at-home orders violently
These forces were independent, uncoordinated, and often antagonistic —
yet in the media they were carelessly bundled together as “IPOB gunmen.”
In reality, IPOB as an organisation lost control of the narrative, the streets, and the factions.
1. The Collapse of Policing After EndSARS
After 2020:
police morale collapsed,
checkpoints disappeared,
officers deserted rural communities,
criminals filled the vacuum,
kidnap-for-ransom surged.
This vacuum created the perfect environment for impostors and opportunists.
The state, rather than rebuilding trust, chose large-scale repression.
This worsened the vacuum.
2. Retaliatory Violence from ESN Cells
Some ESN operatives, especially in forest belts, retaliated against security forces after:
Orlu bombardment (2021)
Aba/Ohafia raids
Imo mass arrests
extrajudicial executions
torture in military detention
disappearances of activists
These were not IPOB policies,
they were reactions by individuals pushed beyond breaking point.
3. Criminal Gangs Wearing the IPOB Identity
By late 2021, criminals discovered three powerful tools:
Wear black
Carry a rifle
Claim to be “ESN”
Once they did that:
civilians obeyed out of fear
victims didn’t resist
media blamed IPOB
police avoided confrontation
government used it as propaganda
confusion deepened
Kidnappers, cultists, armed robbers, and drug-trafficking networks took advantage.
4. State-Sponsored Operations (False Flags)
SBM Intelligence, community testimony, and Amnesty International reported:
heavily armed attackers using military-grade weapons
tactical operations far beyond criminal skill
attacks coinciding with political events
suspects released mysteriously
victims shot with professional accuracy
identical trucks used in multiple states
Some killings were staged to:
justify federal militarisation
delegitimise IPOB
target political opponents
discredit local vigilantes
weaken ESN’s public image
These professionally executed attacks were mislabeled as “Unknown Gunmen.”
5. Political Militias Masked as UGM
Ahead of 2023 elections:
dozens of politicians hired hit squads
campaign offices were torched
rivals assassinated
INEC facilities attacked
operatives disguised themselves as “pro-Biafra gunmen”
The Southeast became a battlefield for political power.
The result?
A region flooded with violence — none of it clearly traceable.
Outcome: Total Collapse of Public Trust
People no longer knew:
who was protecting them
who was attacking them
who to obey
who to avoid
which gunman was political
which was criminal
which was security agency
which was ESN
which was “auto-pilot”
Fear became the new law.
Chaos became the only predictable reality.
This breakdown of societal order was the most devastating consequence of the IPOB–Nigeria confrontation.
INTERNAL EARTHQUAKES, SIMON EKPA, FACTIONALISM, AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF IPOB
When Nnamdi Kanu was abducted in June 2021, IPOB’s central command structure collapsed.
A movement built around a single charismatic leader lost its coordinator.
Into that vacuum stepped Simon Ekpa, a Finland-based activist.
1. Ekpa’s Rise
He:
broadcasted aggressively
appealed to the most hurt and angry youths
framed himself as Kanu’s successor
accused IPOB leadership (DOS) of betrayal
gained social media dominance
enforced radical sit-at-home orders
Suddenly, IPOB had two centres of gravity:
The Directorate of State (DOS)
The Auto-Pilot faction under Ekpa
This split was catastrophic.
2. DOS vs Ekpa, The Silent Civil War
The DOS emphasised:
diplomacy
accountability
discipline
ending sit-at-home
obeying Kanu’s instructions
Ekpa emphasised:
aggression
enforcement
weekly sit-at-home
revolutionary rhetoric
uncompromising extremism
The clash created:
confusion
distrust
divided communities
fractured families
competing fundraising networks
contradictory orders
armed factionalism
This was the moment IPOB lost full control of its narrative.
3. The Weaponisation of Sit-at-Home
Originally:
a symbolic protest
a once-a-year remembrance
But under Ekpa:
it became weekly
heavily enforced
violent
economically destructive
Criminals now had an excuse to burn:
buses
shops
markets
police stations
Ordinary Igbo civilians suffered the most.
4. Diaspora Fragmentation
The diaspora split into:
pro-DOS groups
pro-Ekpa groups
neutral groups
opportunistic groups
Funding streams were duplicated.
Propaganda intensified.
Infighting became toxic.
5. The Result — A Movement in Pieces
By 2022–2023:
IPOB was no longer a unified movement
ESN was no longer one command structure
Unknown Gunmen had hijacked the streets
Criminals hid behind the Biafra identity
The Nigerian state capitalised on chaos
The once-coherent agitation became a fractured landscape.
CRIMINAL SYNDICATES, POLITICIANS & FALSE-FLAGS — A REGION HIJACKED
Between 2021 and 2024, the Southeast became the most complex security theatre in Nigeria.
It was no longer:
IPOB vs Nigeria
It became:
IPOB vs IPOB
ESN vs splinter cells
Criminals vs civilians
Politicians vs opponents
Security agencies vs shadows
False flags vs truth
A deadly ecosystem.
1. Criminal Takeover
Kidnappers exploited:
fear of “Unknown Gunmen”
lack of police presence
confusion over factions
rural vulnerability
They:
abducted travellers
extorted villages
raped women
destroyed farmlands
took over forests
All in the name of “Biafra.”
2. Political Militias
Politicians weaponised violence to:
eliminate rivals
intimidate voters
destroy INEC infrastructure
stage attacks
blame IPOB
Election seasons became bloodbaths.
3. State-Sponsored False Flags
The security establishment staged:
night raids
precision assassinations
targeted killings
covert operations
But blamed IPOB for everything.
Whether murder or arson, the media defaulted to one name:
> “Unknown Gunmen.”
This label hid the truth:
some attackers were professional tactical units
some were political mercenaries
some were extortion gangs
some were angry youths
some were ESN splinters
some were police impostors
some were DSS black ops
No one could tell the difference anymore.
4. A Region Abandoned by Government
Despite the chaos:
roads remained impassable
unemployment soared
infrastructure decayed
elite politicians stayed silent
governors surrendered to fear
The Igbo were left to defend themselves
against forces they could not even identify.
NNAMDI KANU — THE PRISONER WHO STILL CONTROLS THE GAME
Despite being detained since 2021, Nnamdi Kanu remains:
the symbolic head of the Igbo agitation
the moral anchor of millions
the only figure capable of unifying IPOB factions
the only person whose voice can end sit-at-home
the silent force shaping political outcomes in the region
Even his enemies acknowledge his relevance.
1. Why Kanu Is Still Influential
Because he:
speaks the language of Igbo historical pain
articulates the injustice ignored since 1966
commands loyalty in the diaspora
has moral legitimacy
maintains ideological clarity
is respected even by some critics
Even from DSS custody:
his occasional messages calm tensions
his disapproval of violence reduces attacks
his calls for unity still influence factions
He is a prisoner,
yet the most powerful Igbo voice alive.
2. The Political Value of His Detention
Kanu is simultaneously:
a bargaining chip for Northern elites
a tool to intimidate Southeast governors
a symbol of injustice
a rallying cry for activists
a source of global attention
an unresolved political wound
His detention stabilises no one.
It destabilises everyone.
3. The One Truth Abuja Fears
The Nigerian security establishment knows:
> “The Southeast was more peaceful when Kanu was outside.”
His imprisonment:
created power vacuums
empowered extremists
legitimised impostors
fragmented IPOB
radicalised youths
birthed unknown gunmen
fuelled anti-Nigeria sentiment
worsened mistrust
Releasing him is the only path to de-escalation.
THE HISTORICAL ROOTS, WHY NIGERIA FEARS IGBO SELF-DETERMINATION (1966–2025)
To understand the present, one must confront the ghosts of the past.
History is not dead.
In the Southeast, it walks with the living.
Every military operation, every crackdown, every raid, every federal policy, every political exclusion, all of it is rooted in fear.
A fear that began in 1966.
A fear that hardened in 1967–1970.
A fear that has never been confronted nor healed.
This is the truth Nigeria avoids.
1. 1960–1966: The Rise of Igbo Excellence, and the First Seeds of Fear
At independence, the Igbo were:
the fastest-growing literacy population in Africa
dominant in civil service
overrepresented in commerce
highly mobile
ambitious and competitive
rapid modernisers
merit-driven
Instead of celebration, it created:
political suspicion
ethnic jealousy
fear of domination
Nigeria’s federation was built on mutual fear,
not mutual understanding.
2. January and July 1966: Coups, Countercoups, and Scapegoating
The 1966 coups were the matchstick that ignited old ethnic fuel.
In the Northern imagination:
Igbo = the coup
Igbo = the threat
Igbo = the enemy
This narrative led to:
Massacres of Igbo civilians in the North
30,000+ deaths within months
State complicity
Zero accountability
The seed of Igbo distrust was planted here.
3. 1967–1970: Biafra — A War of Survival, a War of Starvation
Nigeria starved a people to force surrender.
Britain supported it.
The world looked away.
Outcome:
3 million dead
2 million children starved
Entire communities wiped out
The Igbo soul broken but not defeated
The war ended,
but the policy of fear continued.
4. 1970–1999: Reconstruction in Name, Punishment in Reality
Federal policies after the war targeted the Igbo for “containment”:
£20 compensation rule
Abandoned property confiscations
Purge of Igbo military officers
Lack of federal infrastructure
Blocking of Eastern ports
Underfunding Igbo states
Political exclusion
The message was clear:
> “You are allowed to live — but not allowed to rise.”
5. 1999–2015: Democracy Without Inclusion
Even with civilian rule:
no Igbo president
no major federal appointments
East–West Road ignored
Second Niger Bridge delayed for 40 years
Federal industries avoided Igboland
military operations escalated in Southeast
MASSOB activists killed for peaceful protests
Before IPOB existed,
Nigeria already treated Igbo activism as a threat.
6. 2015–2023: Buhari Years and the Return of Open Hostility
Under Buhari:
96% of national security positions went to the North
Igbo were openly excluded from national power
Python Dance massacred civilians
Afara-Ukwu was invaded
IPOB was proscribed
ESN was targeted militarily
Orlu was bombarded
Kanu was abducted illegally
Sit-at-home became a rebellion of fear
unknown gunmen emerged from the ashes
This was the darkest period since the war.
7. 2023–2025: Tinubu Era — Continuity of Fear, Not Change
Despite promises:
Kanu remains detained
security raids continue
federal neglect persists
Southeast still militarized
political manipulation deepens
Nigeria has refused to confront the Igbo question.
Until it does,
IPOB will never truly die —
only mutate.
THE SOLUTION: A PATH TO PEACE, JUSTICE, AND REGIONAL STABILITY
Nigeria cannot kill an idea born out of 58 years of injustice.
Only justice can end agitation.
Only truth can destroy extremism.
Only dialogue can bring peace.
Here is the blueprint.
1. Release Nnamdi Kanu
Kanu is:
the stabilizing force
the moderating influence
the key to ending factionalism
the only voice IPOB respects
the symbol of unresolved injustice
Peace is impossible while he remains detained.
2. End Militarisation of the Southeast
Peace cannot be built on:
checkpoints
raids
disappearances
torture
bombings
intimidation
Rebuild trust,
not fear.
3. Establish a Southeast Regional Security Network
A legal Amotekun-style outfit, with:
retired Igbo military officers
community-based policing
intelligence-heavy operations
accountability mechanisms
Security must be local —
not imposed by outsiders.
4. Economic Renaissance of the East
Stability requires prosperity.
revamp Onitsha and Aba industrial zones
open Eastern seaports
build rail from Enugu–Onitsha–Aba–PH
invest in local manufacturing
return diaspora capital
provide tech hubs for youth
Jobs defeat crime.
Opportunity defeats radicalisation.
5. Truth & Reconciliation Commission
Nigeria must confront:
1966 pogroms
Biafra genocide
post-war injustices
Python Dance killings
Orlu bombardments
unlawful detentions
proscription without evidence
political manipulation
military abuses
Healing requires truth.
6. Constitutional Restructuring
True federalism must return:
regional autonomy
resource control
local policing
fair political representation
elimination of 1999 military constitution
Without restructuring,
Nigeria will remain a pressure cooker.
7. Dialogue With All Stakeholders
Peace must include:
IPOB
ESN leadership
traditional rulers
clergy
governors
diaspora representatives
civil society
youth groups
Not just politicians.
THE FUTURE OF IGBO LAND AND THE NIGERIAN FEDERATION
The Igbo question is not a problem,
it is an opportunity.
Nigeria can either:
embrace justice and build a true federation
OR
continue down the path of fear and repression, accelerating instability.
The Southeast can either:
unite politically, economically, and socially
OR
remain fragmented, vulnerable, and misrepresented.
One truth remains:
The Igbo nation will never again accept silence.
Never again accept subjugation.
Never again accept fear as normal.
The struggle is no longer about IPOB.
It is about dignity.
It is about equality.
It is about memory.
It is about survival.
It is about identity.
It is about the future.
A new dawn is possible,
but only if Nigeria chooses justice over force
and the Igbo choose unity over fragmentation.
History has returned to demand answers.
This time, the answers must be honest.
TIMELINE OF KEY EVENTS (1966–2025)
A consolidated historical chronology for researchers, policymakers, journalists, and future generations.
1960–1966: Independence & Rising Tensions
1960: Nigeria gains independence from Britain.
1963: Igbo mobility and educational dominance trigger political suspicion.
1966 (Jan): First military coup; Igbo officers disproportionately represented.
1966 (May–Oct): Pogroms in the North kill 30,000+ Igbo civilians.
1966 (July): Counter-coup; Igbo officers massacred in army barracks.
1967–1970: The Biafran War
1967 (May): Eastern Region secedes and declares the Republic of Biafra.
1967–1970: Nigeria imposes total blockade; mass starvation ensues.
1970 (Jan): War ends; 2–3 million dead, mostly civilians.
1970–1999: Post-War Marginalisation
1970: £20 compensation policy imposed on Igbo bank deposits.
1970s–80s: Abandoned property confiscations occur in Rivers State.
1980–1999: No Igbo president, no Igbo head of state, systematic exclusion.
1999: Fourth Republic begins under Obasanjo.
1999–2015: Democracy Without Justice
2000–2006: MASSOB forms; peaceful activists killed in Onitsha, Aba.
2007–2012: Federal neglect of Southeast infrastructure deepens.
2012–2013: Nnamdi Kanu reorganises IPOB from diaspora.
2015–2017: IPOB Emerges
2015: Kanu arrested the first time.
2015–2016: IPOB protests met with deadly force (Onitsha, Aba).
2016: Operation Python Dance I launched.
2017 (Sept): Python Dance II; Nnamdi Kanu’s home invaded in Afara-Ukwu.
Dozens killed. Kanu escapes.
2017–2019: Proscription & Suppression
2017: Southeast governors proscribe IPOB under Abuja pressure.
2018: Python Dance III launched; mass militarisation of Southeast.
2020–2021: Pandemic, Herdsmen Attacks & ESN Formation
2020 (Dec): IPOB launches ESN to defend rural communities.
2021 (Jan): Orlu bombardment; airstrikes and shelling in civilian areas.
2021: Extraordinary Rendition of Nnamdi Kanu
June 2021: Abducted in Kenya, tortured, illegally returned to Nigeria.
2021: Sit-at-home begins in solidarity with Kanu.
2022–2023: Unknown Gunmen Era
2022: Multiple actors operate under “UGM” identity.
2023: Elections fuel violence; political militias intensify attacks.
2024–2025: Continuous Detention & Stalled Dialogue
2024: Negotiations rumored but repeatedly blocked.
2025: IPOB factions remain divided; Kanu still detained.
VERIFIED DATA, STATISTICS & RESEARCH SOURCES
Casualties & Incidents
30,000+ Igbo killed in 1966 pogroms
(Source: New York Times archives, US State Department cables, UK Foreign Office reports)
2–3 million civilians died in Biafra (1967–1970)
(UNICEF, International Committee of the Red Cross)
170+ IPOB protesters killed 2015–2016
(Amnesty International, “Bullets Were Raining Everywhere”)
Thousands detained without trial 2015–2024
(Human Rights Watch reports, local NGOs)
Militarisation Metrics
Southeast became one of the most militarised civilian regions in Africa (2020–2023).
Imo State saw a 170% increase in checkpoints after Orlu operations.
Python Dance operations involved 10,000+ soldiers across 5 states.
Economic Damage
Sit-at-home losses estimated at ₦10–₦20 billion weekly across Southeast states.
Market closures in Onitsha & Aba reduced regional GDP by 30–40%.
Migration of manufacturing capacity to Lagos/Delta/Port Harcourt increased by 45%.
Kidnapping & Crime
Over 2,000+ kidnappings recorded in Southeast between 2021–2024 (official & credible unofficial tallies).
70–80% of criminals falsely used the name “ESN” or “Unknown Gunmen” to evade identification.
KEY ACTORS, GROUPS & INSTITUTIONS
1. IPOB Internal Structures
Directorate of State (DOS)
Media & Publicity Wing
ESN (original cells)
IPOB-USA, IPOB-Germany, IPOB-UK
Auto-Pilot faction (Simon Ekpa)
2. Nigerian Security Agencies
Nigerian Army
Nigerian Police Force
DSS (Department of State Services)
Nigerian Air Force
Civil Defense
Special Anti-Robbery Squads (historically)
3. Political Actors
Southeast governors (various administrations)
Federal Government of Nigeria (Buhari, Tinubu)
Northern political blocs
Western political blocs
Political thugs sponsored by state and federal actors
4. Criminal Actors
Kidnap networks
Cult groups (Black Axe, Vikings, etc.)
Bandit groups extending from Middle Belt
Foreign armed infiltrators (documented in Ebonyi, Enugu forests)
5. Civil Society & Media
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
SBM Intelligence
Independent Journalists
Community Elders
Religious Institutions
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR LASTING PEACE
1. Release Nnamdi Kanu Immediately
For stabilisation, de-escalation, and unity.
2. Southeast Regional Security Framework
A legal defence outfit similar to Amotekun.
3. Truth & Reconciliation Commission
Covering 1966–2025 injustices.
4. Full Restructuring of Nigeria
True federalism, resource control, political fairness.
5. Economic Rebirth of Igboland
Industrialisation, ports, rail, diaspora funding, tech hubs.
6. Disarmament, Demobilisation & Reintegration (DDR)
Bring youths, criminals, and rogue cells back into society constructively.
7. End to Militarisation
Replace aggressive deployment with intelligence-led policing.
8. Igbo Internal Unity Mechanism
A strategic council representing all segments of society.
AUTHOR’S NOTE
This article is not written to provoke division.
It is written to preserve truth.
For too long, Nigeria has attempted to rewrite Igbo suffering.
For too long, the media has oversimplified the complexity of IPOB.
For too long, governments have weaponised propaganda to justify brutality.
For too long, Igbo voices have been silenced, mocked, misunderstood, and punished.
History matters.
Memory matters.
Justice matters.
Truth matters.
The struggle of a people cannot be erased by decree.
Their pain cannot be silenced by propaganda.
Their dignity cannot be negotiated away.
May this work serve as a record for generations yet unborn
and as a warning that injustice, when ignored, always returns.
By Hon. Chimazuru Nnadi-Oforgu
Duruebube Ihiagwa ófó asato
OBLONG MEDIA UNLIMITED 
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